The
Fight Against Hunger:
Report from the Millennium Project Task Force on Hunger
Friday,October 17, 2003
Speaker: Dr. Kevin Cleaver
_______________________________________________
Communicating the
Message to the Donor Community
DR. KEVIN CLEAVER
UN Hunger Task Force Member
Director of Agriculture and Rural Development, World Bank
I don’t have a Power Point for you.
Let me introduce myself to you again so you’ll know where I’m coming from.
My name is Kevin Cleaver, and I’m the Director of Agriculture and Rural
Development at the World Bank. And you may be saying to yourself right now,
this guy has a relatively easy task here. All he has to say is that he’s
going to provide the money for the plans that you have just seen, and sit
down. And in fact my conclusion will be that we will provide money for the
plans that you have seen, but it’s more complicated than that. Let me get
into this.
Donors, including the World Bank,
but the donor community more broadly, are the major source of funding for
agriculture and rural development in developing countries. And the poorer
the country, the more important the donor as a financing source is. So
countries like China, for example, donors are much less important, India
now. But in most of Africa, donors still provide the preponderance of the
resources.
Let me describe to you – some of
you, I know, know the donor community, but let me describe to you what we’re
up against.
Every Western European, North
American and some Asian (Japan) countries have a bilateral aid agency which
provides grants and loans for development purposes, including agriculture
and rural development and food security and hunger reduction. And most of
them do this on the basis of some combination of foreign policy objectives,
maybe country targets – it’s well known in the United States, a lot of U.S.
aid is targeted to three countries – sometimes commercial objectives,
sometimes humanitarian and development objectives, most often a combination
of this.
So, recognize that the hunger task
force is going to be making an appeal to donor agencies to have a lot of
other objectives which are quite complex and not always totally related to
the development business at hand.
And then there’s a group of
multinational agencies of which the World Bank is one. In fact, we’re the
largest provider of assistance to agriculture and rural development, but
there are regional development banks – the Asian Development Bank, the
African Development Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank – there’s the
International Fund for Agricultural Development, the FAO, the European
Commission.
All of these institutions are
governed by multiples of governments. They’re not independent; they don’t
sit out there in space. They’re run by governments. And those governments
bring the same foreign policy and commercial and humanitarian and
development objectives that they have in their own development bilateral aid
programs. So if anything, these multinational institutions are more
complicated, fraught with conflict.
The idea of the World Bank as a
homogeneous entity is simply not true. The World Bank is owned by the
governments of the world. And all of the conflicts that you read about in
the paper are also played out in our board of directors and in our policies.
Now yesterday you heard from Sakiko
Fukuda-Parr from the UNDP that official development assistance, foreign aid,
in total from all of these institutions, has been stagnant at about $50
billion a year. And you heard Jeffrey Sachs, quite rightly, lament the fact
that it’s not increasing. And he compared the needs with that paltry $50
billion.
You should also know that within
that $50 billion, the share going to agriculture and rural development,
going to the kinds of things that the task force is advocating an increase
in, has actually been declining. In 1980 it was about 30% went to
agriculture and rural development. Now it’s about 8%.
So, not only are we as a task force
confronted with this very complex multiple of donor agencies, which are so
vital in providing the resources for the kinds of things that we want to see
happen, but the interest in those kinds of things – despite all of the stuff
that you’ve heard here from people that support agriculture and rural
development – has actually been waning quite significantly.
And it’s interesting to ask and to
discuss for a second – Why this decline? – because unless we understand why
agriculture and rural development has been declining, we in the task force,
I think, will be less effective in mobilizing resources for what we want.
And the first factor is – in fact,
it’s the conventional wisdom that many of the agriculture and rural
development of the past that were supported in the 70s and the 80s in
particular, didn’t work very well. And in fact in the World Bank the worst
record in terms of success rates for any sector that we have is indeed in
agriculture and rural development, about 60% success, 40% failure.
Many of these projects were of the
– some of you may know – the integrated rural development where we look for
synergies. We did a lot of the things that you’ve just heard – rural roads,
rural education, rural health, extension and research – all packaged
together in a synergistic whole.
The donor-supported marketing and
Agroprocessing, run by government agencies for the most part, parastatals.
The donors put billions of dollars into big irrigation projects, many of
which were successful but many of which also had social and environmental
consequences which weren’t always positive. Rural infrastructure tended not
to be maintained at the end of the investment period.
So there was a disillusionment with
agriculture and rural development that contributed to the decline in every
single donor agency in their assistance for this business.
The second factor was that other
objectives arose. If you go to other task force meetings in other places,
you will hear equally impassioned claims for additional resources, for
water, for urban, to deal with HIV-AIDS, to deal with the Digital Divide
(you may have heard that one), to deal with the environment. In fact, the
Environment Department of the World Bank is as big as the Agriculture and
Rural Development. When I started at the World Bank, there was no
Environment Department, as you may know and probably guessed. Now we do as
much environmental work as agriculture and rural development.
So other objectives arose to
compete for that fixed amount of aid going into developing countries and
another reason why it declined.
The third, which perhaps is less
well known, is that many of the donors, including the World Bank, have moved
to more of a demand-driven approach. Rather than the donor defining what the
recipient country should do, we’ve learned from people like actually Dr.
Swaminathan here, that donor projects need to be embedded in the will of the
people that are recipients. So, most donors now want to respond to demand
rather than simply supplying.
And the unfortunate truth of the
matter is that much of the demand for much of the developing world is not
for agriculture and rural development. There is a very strong urban bias,
and if you want evidence of this, all you have to do is look at the
proportion of public expenditure programs of most developing countries – not
Uganda, incidentally; that’s one of the exceptions. Most of the public
expenditure programs are not allocated to the kind of things that this task
force is talking about. Quite the contrary – these kinds of things are
neglected there. The demand from the countries themselves has not been
forthcoming. And following the demand, what you have is a more urban-biased
donor program than was in the past.
And, finally, my favorite – my
personal favorite I saved for last, but many would put it up at front – is
that agricultural production is often not very profitable and not very
productive in an economic sense. Institutions like my own are required by
the governments that own us to calculate economic rates of return for the
projects that we finance. And the prices that are used in those calculations
are international prices. And this absolutely distasteful level of
industrial country subsidies that you heard about – the $300-350 billion
dollars a year of agricultural subsidies – according to every study from
every academic in every country, has driven down world prices for
agricultural commodities and resulted in a reduced profitability and
economic viability of those projects.
And I would relate that to the very
first point that I made, that many of the agricultural projects that the
donors financed are not very productive and are rated as not very
successful. One of the reasons for this is that the agricultural prices have
declined to such low levels, in part because of these subsidies, that we are
caught in a vicious, downward spiral.
So those are the four main reasons.
Now, why is this so important to the task force? Well, we are confronted
with this situation. We feel, as a task force, and I think that you heard
some of the conviction of the people – Pedro and Sara and Chris – that
presented the substantive content of this, that we have something we believe
can work. We have something that we believe can work on a fairly significant
scale in very poor countries and that it can be done very quickly. But we’re
confronted with the situation where there has been a decline in interest in
the donor community and in many of the countries that we want to convince.
So what can be done? You’re going
to hear from Richard the public campaign, so I won’t go into that. But I
think, let me share with you what has happened in the World Bank. We have
recognized that, despite these issues that I have mentioned, there really is
no alternative to generating agricultural growth and focusing that
agricultural growth on the poor, to development. As Sara said – I was
interested and you may have noticed a parenthetical expression that she
introduced – there simply isn’t another sector that is going to generate
this kind of growth in very poor countries that are rural and agriculturally
based. If it’s not agriculture, what is it going to be? It’s going to be
microchips?
So there isn’t an alternative, and
I think that many donor agencies, despite these constraints, despite the
subsidies, despite the distortions on world markets, are willing to give
this another crack – and this is where the task force comes in. In order to
give it another crack, we need a model or models that work in various
places.
So my interest, quite frankly, and
I think, I hope, other donor interests will be in recognizing the material
that’s being generated by this task force as a model or a series of models –
it’s not just one model; it’s certainly not one size fits all – that can be
supported by donor funds to bring back the resourcing of rural development.
Another factor: Now that we have
some time that has lapsed since the big push in the eighties on rural
development, there have been a lot of academic studies that have looked in
much more detail at some of these projects. And in fact there’s a
revisionist theory or information, empirical information that’s coming
forward, that suggests that a lot of these projects actually weren’t so bad,
particularly if you factor in this distortionary price environment.
The Green Revolution itself,
believe it or not, was financed in large part by donors. The Consultative
Group for International Agricultural Research, which supported Dr. Borlaug
and thousands of people like him doing agricultural research, was financed
by donors.
The National Agricultural Research
Systems, which were the counterparts of the International Agricultural
Research Centers, were financed by donors. And recent material suggests very
high rates of return, very high rates of return to this kind of material.
Evanson just published something in Science if you’d like to read a
very nice piece about this, suggesting that the investments in agricultural
research and extension in developing countries were getting rates of return
of 40-50%.
So there is a revisionist view out
here that’s helping us to sell the case that this can be done. Now, what do
donors need to do to get behind this?
I think, one, we as a task force
can offer them this good model that they can support – and we’re talking
about billions of dollars of support. That’s number one.
Number two, very important that the
developing countries themselves need to get behind this model. Because as
I’ve said, most donors are no longer willing simply to impose their will or
impose their models on countries. Those of you who participated this morning
and listened to the Ugandan minister, you have noticed that he talked about
“his” program,” “his country’s program.” This is the way it has to be – we
have to fit what we want to do, in their program.
So it’s doubly difficult for the
task force. We’re going to have to convince many, many governments – and
Chris talked about NEPAD in Africa – that this is a good model to support,
that they want to put their resources into it, too. So it is a big effort.
And the third point – and this is
my own personal hobbyhorse – is that the donors, in order to do this more
effectively than they did in the past, are going to have to reform the way
they do business, including the World Bank. And I offer you three important
reforms that I think are important to push and I hope that this task force
pushes as well.
Number one: The time frame for
projects needs to be much longer. Some donors work on an annual basis, if
you can believe it – a one-year project. You can’t accomplish much in a
year. You can deliver some seeds, maybe some subsidized fertilizer (some
people seem to like that), but you cannot build institutions and have
long-term impact with a one- to three-year project. You need to think in the
longer term. So that’s number one.
Number two: Projects cannot simply
supply goods and services; they have to have built into them
capacity-building and institution-building. If we’ve learned one thing in
the last 10-15 years, it’s that. We simply can’t provide technical
assistance from Iowa State to Country X and think that that’s going to build
capacity and build institutions. People themselves have to learn to fish; we
can’t do the fishing for them.
The third is the most difficult of
all – and that’s donor unilateralism. For those of you who have worked in
the field, think about what you have seen in terms of donor projects. The
donors like to put their flag up on their projects. Donors like to go it
alone; they don’t like to cooperate. Now, we all know that there are
projects that are co-financed, so there are exceptions to this. But,
fundamentally, the donors, because of the foreign policy and the commercial
and the different ideologies of development, go it alone. And the result of
that in any given country is literally hundreds of projects that compete,
that introduce different mechanisms, different approaches and leave nothing.
The donors have to give up the unilateralism and come together.
And what I think that we need to do
(this is very ambitious) is to recommend the creation of a consultative
group for hunger reduction – let’s focus it on this objective, “for hunger
reduction” and agriculture and rural development, if we want to make it more
ambitious – which consists of not only the donors but the NGOs. There are
now NGOs that are as important in terms of financial transfers as some of
the donors.
NGOs, donors, foundations, private
sector – in a consultative group for the purpose of financing and supporting
this task. And I think that if we succeeded in that, we would kill several
birds with one stone. We’d mobilize a lot of money, we would help the donors
to get back into the rural development and agriculture business, and we
could contribute to solving this problem of lack of coordination (is an
understatement) – competition, messiness – that’s brought to developing
countries by the donor community itself.
Thank you very much.